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As I understand it, today is when the leaders of the Society of St. Pius X (SSPX) meet with the Vatican in order, hopefully, to bring to a happy end the process of reconciliation started by Pope Benedict XVI. Negotiations with the society have been in play for many months now as the Vatican and the SSPX have attempted to hammer out their differences. Oddly, the details of these differences, discussed in a “doctrinal preamble,” have been kept secret from the rest of the Church.
Despite the secrecy, those familiar with the SSPX are most likely also familiar with the substance of the differences, one of which ought to be of particular significance to us in America. You see, the tension between Rome and the SSPX involves not the arcane particularities of liturgical preference. In truth the SSPX split with the Church under Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre over doctrines, and one of them of special note: the Second Vatican Council’s Declaration on Religious Liberty.
Yes, the SSPX are not exactly fans of religious liberty. In fact, the U.S. District of the SSPX posted an article critical of the U.S. Bishops for their recent document “Our First, Most Cherished Liberty: A Statement on Religious Liberty.” The SSPX spokesmen wrote that it’s all well and good for the bishops to defend the Church’s right to save souls and perform works of mercy,…
“However, this is a much different thing than defending religious liberty, a false notion that originated with the Protestants and condemned as an error under the generic title of ‘Liberalism.’”
Yes, that’s right, the notion of religious liberty is Protestant. Someone call up Cardinal Dolan.
In this, the American SSPX is simply living up to the example left them by Archbishop Lefebvre. The late founder of the society loathed the Second Vatican Council and was convinced that it taught out and out heresy. This is what he had to say about religious liberty in his book, They Have Uncrowned Him
In this respect, to uphold, as Vatican II does, a naturally direct orientation of all men towards God, is totally unrealistic and a pure naturalistic heresy! May God deliver us from subjectivistic and naturalistic errors! They are the unmistakable mark of the Liberalism which inspired the religious liberty of Vatican II. But they can lead only to social chaos, to the Babel of religions!
Thus, to defend religious liberty is to be a liberal. To defend the teaching of the Council’s texts – not the “spirit” but the texts – is to engage in heresy. You might begin to see the problem here.
According to the Society, religious liberty cannot exist because authentic liberty can only be connected with the pursuit of the good; and since the Catholic faith is the good religion, there cannot be any real liberty to pursue anything but Catholicism. Error, the SSPX likes to say, has no rights. So, private worship of this or that heresy might be tolerated. But the notion of a right to objectively erroneous public worship is nonsense.
And so it would be, if human beings were automatons and error produced a brightly colored mark upon the human face, or, like a shoe in our gears, error caused us to break down. But we’re not machines, and error is not so obvious.
Error may not have rights, but people do. You know, human beings. And sincere consciences have, so the Council teaches, the right to be free from coercion from the state, so “that no one is to be forced to act in a manner contrary to his own beliefs, whether privately or publicly, whether alone or in association with others, within due limits.”
This definition of religious liberty by the Council is a far cry from the freedoms demanded by the liberals of revolutionary France, the kind of liberties condemned by the nineteenth-century popes. But I don’t want to argue the issue here.
What disturbs me is that as the U.S. Bishops try to rally the Catholic faithful behind the banner of religious freedom, the SSPX have been criticizing the very notion of religious liberty. While seeking reconciliation with the Church on other shores, here at home the Society is undermining the work of the bishops.
I certainly do hope that the SSPX does not split up and that they accept what, by many accounts, is a very generous offer by the Holy Father to be reconciled with the Church. Still, I cannot help feeling a bit anxious about welcoming in Catholics who would so openly deny what the Council teaches and what our bishops are leaning on right now to defend the work of our Catholic hospitals, schools, and charities.
Whatever happens, I pray that in the coming Year of Faith, the teachings of the Second Vatican Council will be made more accessible to all. In that way, perhaps even the SSPX will come to agree with the great Dietrich von Hildebrand who wrote that religious liberty is “the most elementary of human rights.”
Read Entire PostAs I understand it, today is when the leaders of the Society of St. Pius X (SSPX) meet with the Vatican in order, hopefully, to bring to a happy end the process of reconciliation started by Pope Benedict XVI. Negotiations with the society have been in play for many months now as the Vatican and the SSPX have attempted to hammer out their differences. Oddly, the details of these differences, discussed in a “doctrinal preamble,” have been kept secret from the rest of the Church.
Despite the secrecy, those familiar with the SSPX are most likely also familiar with the substance of the differences, one of which ought to be of particular significance to us in America. You see, the tension between Rome and the SSPX involves not the arcane particularities of liturgical preference. In truth the SSPX split with the Church under Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre over doctrines, and one of them of special note: the Second Vatican Council’s Declaration on Religious Liberty.
Yes, the SSPX are not exactly fans of religious liberty. In fact, the U.S. District of the SSPX posted an article critical of the U.S. Bishops for their recent document “Our First, Most Cherished Liberty: A Statement on Religious Liberty.” The SSPX spokesmen wrote that it’s all well and good for the bishops to defend the Church’s right to save souls and perform works of mercy,…
“However, this is a much different thing than defending religious liberty, a false notion that originated with the Protestants and condemned as an error under the generic title of ‘Liberalism.’”
Yes, that’s right, the notion of religious liberty is Protestant. Someone call up Cardinal Dolan.
In this, the American SSPX is simply living up to the example left them by Archbishop Lefebvre. The late founder of the society loathed the Second Vatican Council and was convinced that it taught out and out heresy. This is what he had to say about religious liberty in his book, They Have Uncrowned Him
In this respect, to uphold, as Vatican II does, a naturally direct orientation of all men towards God, is totally unrealistic and a pure naturalistic heresy! May God deliver us from subjectivistic and naturalistic errors! They are the unmistakable mark of the Liberalism which inspired the religious liberty of Vatican II. But they can lead only to social chaos, to the Babel of religions!
Thus, to defend religious liberty is to be a liberal. To defend the teaching of the Council’s texts – not the “spirit” but the texts – is to engage in heresy. You might begin to see the problem here.
According to the Society, religious liberty cannot exist because authentic liberty can only be connected with the pursuit of the good; and since the Catholic faith is the good religion, there cannot be any real liberty to pursue anything but Catholicism. Error, the SSPX likes to say, has no rights. So, private worship of this or that heresy might be tolerated. But the notion of a right to objectively erroneous public worship is nonsense.
And so it would be, if human beings were automatons and error produced a brightly colored mark upon the human face, or, like a shoe in our gears, error caused us to break down. But we’re not machines, and error is not so obvious.
Error may not have rights, but people do. You know, human beings. And sincere consciences have, so the Council teaches, the right to be free from coercion from the state, so “that no one is to be forced to act in a manner contrary to his own beliefs, whether privately or publicly, whether alone or in association with others, within due limits.”
This definition of religious liberty by the Council is a far cry from the freedoms demanded by the liberals of revolutionary France, the kind of liberties condemned by the nineteenth-century popes. But I don’t want to argue the issue here.
What disturbs me is that as the U.S. Bishops try to rally the Catholic faithful behind the banner of religious freedom, the SSPX have been criticizing the very notion of religious liberty. While seeking reconciliation with the Church on other shores, here at home the Society is undermining the work of the bishops.
I certainly do hope that the SSPX does not split up and that they accept what, by many accounts, is a very generous offer by the Holy Father to be reconciled with the Church. Still, I cannot help feeling a bit anxious about welcoming in Catholics who would so openly deny what the Council teaches and what our bishops are leaning on right now to defend the work of our Catholic hospitals, schools, and charities.
Whatever happens, I pray that in the coming Year of Faith, the teachings of the Second Vatican Council will be made more accessible to all. In that way, perhaps even the SSPX will come to agree with the great Dietrich von Hildebrand who wrote that religious liberty is “the most elementary of human rights.”
There is a lot of talk this week about Ed Klein’s unflattering portrait of President Obama in The Amateur. One passage in the book that has spurred some discussion is the interview with Reverend Jeremiah Wright, in which — at least according to Klein — Wright claims that a friend of Obama’s offered him (Wright) money not to speak publicly until after the election. This has some commentators alleging a similarity between this offer and the use of money by John Edwards to keep his mistress quiet.
One point that has not been noted, so far as I know, is that the exchange, as Reverend Wright reports it, seems to contain an implicit endorsement of his views by then-candidate Obama. According to Wright, as the interview is presented in Klein’s book, Obama met privately with Wright to implore him not to speak publicly until after the campaign. (Wright’s story does not have Obama offering him any money directly, or indicating knowledge that money had been offered.) His speaking, Obama reportedly said, would be bad for the presidential campaign. Near the end of Wright’s account he describes this exchange:
“Barack said, ‘I’m sorry you don’t see it the way I do. Do you know what your problem is?’ And I said, ‘No, what’s my problem?’ And he said, ‘You have to tell the truth.’ I said, ‘That’s a good problem to have. That’s a good problem for all preachers to have. That’s why I could never be a politician.’”
According to Wright’s account, Obama did not want Wright to say things that Obama himself characterized as “the truth.” In the context of the time, Obama’s campaign had been embarrassed by his close association with Wright because of sermons Wright had preached that put forward some harshly critical, and intemperately expressed, comments about America. One could conclude, then, that Obama was afraid that Wright was going to make more anti-American comments, but, again, that Obama himself found these potential comments to be “true,” although impolitic. According to Wright’s account, after all, Obama did not say, ” your problem is that your take on America is too extremely negative,” or “your problem is that your views are too extreme.” He said instead, “your problem” is that “you have to tell the truth.”
There is, of course, a more benign interpretation. Obama may have meant merely “you have to tell the truth as you see it.” If this was his meaning, then he was not really endorsing Wright’s views, just declining to challenge him on them. Still, this in itself would be interesting. Since Obama campaigned in considerable part on the claim that he would restore a high-minded civility to our public life, why would he not want to encourage Wright to moderate his anger? Perhaps either because he was not really that serious about moderation and uniting the blue and the red, or he was serious but did not want the trouble he would get by confronting Wright directly.
At any rate, there is one way to get to the bottom of all this: some curious reporter could ask the president about his conversation with Wright. But since the president does not hold many press conferences these days, the next best thing would be for the curious reporter to ask the White House press office about it. Best of all would be to ask Jay Carney in one of his press briefings.
There is a lot of talk this week about Ed Klein’s unflattering portrait of President Obama in The Amateur. One passage in the book that has spurred some discussion is the interview with Reverend Jeremiah Wright, in which — at least according to Klein — Wright claims that a friend of Obama’s offered him (Wright) money not to speak publicly until after the election. This has some commentators alleging a similarity between this offer and the use of money by John Edwards to keep his mistress quiet.
One point that has not been noted, so far as I know, is that the exchange, as Reverend Wright reports it, seems to contain an implicit endorsement of his views by then-candidate Obama. According to Wright, as the interview is presented in Klein’s book, Obama met privately with Wright to implore him not to speak publicly until after the campaign. (Wright’s story does not have Obama offering him any money directly, or indicating knowledge that money had been offered.) His speaking, Obama reportedly said, would be bad for the presidential campaign. Near the end of Wright’s account he describes this exchange:
“Barack said, ‘I’m sorry you don’t see it the way I do. Do you know what your problem is?’ And I said, ‘No, what’s my problem?’ And he said, ‘You have to tell the truth.’ I said, ‘That’s a good problem to have. That’s a good problem for all preachers to have. That’s why I could never be a politician.’”
According to Wright’s account, Obama did not want Wright to say things that Obama himself characterized as “the truth.” In the context of the time, Obama’s campaign had been embarrassed by his close association with Wright because of sermons Wright had preached that put forward some harshly critical, and intemperately expressed, comments about America. One could conclude, then, that Obama was afraid that Wright was going to make more anti-American comments, but, again, that Obama himself found these potential comments to be “true,” although impolitic. According to Wright’s account, after all, Obama did not say, ” your problem is that your take on America is too extremely negative,” or “your problem is that your views are too extreme.” He said instead, “your problem” is that “you have to tell the truth.”
There is, of course, a more benign interpretation. Obama may have meant merely “you have to tell the truth as you see it.” If this was his meaning, then he was not really endorsing Wright’s views, just declining to challenge him on them. Still, this in itself would be interesting. Since Obama campaigned in considerable part on the claim that he would restore a high-minded civility to our public life, why would he not want to encourage Wright to moderate his anger? Perhaps either because he was not really that serious about moderation and uniting the blue and the red, or he was serious but did not want the trouble he would get by confronting Wright directly.
At any rate, there is one way to get to the bottom of all this: some curious reporter could ask the president about his conversation with Wright. But since the president does not hold many press conferences these days, the next best thing would be for the curious reporter to ask the White House press office about it. Best of all would be to ask Jay Carney in one of his press briefings.
There is now an effort to place before the courts a claim that the Senate filibuster — which permits a minority to block a vote on an issue — is unconstitutional. Ezra Klein of the Washington Post outlines the argument here. Klein takes the argument pretty seriously, which is a reason not to take him very seriously in matters of constitutional interpretation. There are three very solid reasons to find nothing at all unconstitutional about the filibuster, despite the fact that it operates to frustrate the will of Senate majorities from time to time.
In the first place, the filibuster is a longstanding custom. It has been used many times over the years, often to the consternation of the people seeking a vote on an issue, yet nobody ever thought to question its constitutionality. This is always good grounds for skepticism about a claim of unconstitutionality.
In the second place, no doubt the reason nobody ever thought to question the constitutionality of the filibuster is that the Constitution explicitly gives Congress the authority “to determine the rules of its proceedings,” as Klein concedes. The Constitution clearly contemplates that Congress is at liberty to prescribe for itself how it will operate, at least in cases where the Constitution does not prescribe otherwise. Klein notes an old case in which the Court held that the rules of Congress might be struck down as invalid if they violated the Constitution. No doubt this is true. So if the Senate tried to write a rule holding that a mere majority vote was sufficient to remove the president pursuant to an impeachment, it would be unconstitutional because the Constitutional explicitly prescribes a supermajority. But the filibuster does not violate any explicit constitutional provision. It rests instead on the clear authority of the Congress to make its own rules for doing its own business.
Speaking of “doing one’s own business” reminds us helpfully of “minding one’s own business,” which is an important principle of separation of powers. When considering separation of powers issues, it can be helpful for the Court to ask: “How would we react if the situation were reversed and, instead of some litigant inviting us to meddle in the conduct of Congress, Congress was trying to meddle in our affairs?” I bring this up because the rules of the Supreme Court do not in all cases depend on majority rule. Cases are granted review on the basis of the so-called “rule of four” — it takes four votes to grant certiorari. I suppose some officious member of Congress could contend that this pernicious rule allows a minority of the Court to thrust cases on the majority that the majority might not want to hear, that it gives the minority an unacceptable power over the Court’s docket. A determined minority might use the rule to impede the operations of the Court by filling its docket with frivolous cases that would then burden the Court’s time. This claim might be pressed despite the fact that a Court majority is responsible for writing and keeping the rule. Then this member of Congress might propose legislation requiring the Court to grant cert based on at least a majority vote. How do we think the Court would react to such a law, were it to be enacted?
Finally, it is worth noting that the filibuster is rooted not so much in any rules of the Senate as in the absence of such rules. Klein notes this but fails to connect the dots. The filibuster in its original, unconstrained form first arose because the Senate had no rule limiting debate: Senators could talk as long as they wanted, even to the point of wearing down the resistance of a majority wanting to take a vote. This allowed the minority effectively to kill legislation by stalling all the rest of the Senate’s business. The filibuster exists in its limited form today because the Senate has adopted a “cloture” rule permitting a vote of 60 Senators to cut off debate. Despite the existence of cloture, however, the filibuster is still fundamentally rooted in the absence of a rule.
This is important because it makes the claim of unconstitutionality even more absurd. Grant for the sake of argument that the Court might be authorized to strike down some rule of the Senate. That is still a very far cry from saying that it has authority to require the Senate to adopt some rule the Court thinks is good. But that is exactly what would be required by a finding that the filibuster is unconstitutional, since the absence of any rule limiting debate is what permits the filibuster to occur in the first place.
It is also worth observing here that the filibuster is not the only aspect of Congressional procedure that can frustrate the will of the majority — and therefore is not the only rule that the Court would be taking authority upon itself to revise if it were to invalidate the filibuster. Sometimes bills have majority support in a chamber but are not brought to a vote because they lack majority support in the committee to which they have been assigned, which therefore refuses to report them to the full house for legislative action. Does anyone really think that these procedures are unconstitutional, or that the Supreme Court would be acting properly in presuming to meddle with them?
Update: Matthew Frank of the Witherspoon Institute has this fine defense of the filibuster at Public Discourse. It’s from a couple of years ago, but still very relevant.
Read Entire PostThere is now an effort to place before the courts a claim that the Senate filibuster — which permits a minority to block a vote on an issue — is unconstitutional. Ezra Klein of the Washington Post outlines the argument here. Klein takes the argument pretty seriously, which is a reason not to take him very seriously in matters of constitutional interpretation. There are three very solid reasons to find nothing at all unconstitutional about the filibuster, despite the fact that it operates to frustrate the will of Senate majorities from time to time.
In the first place, the filibuster is a longstanding custom. It has been used many times over the years, often to the consternation of the people seeking a vote on an issue, yet nobody ever thought to question its constitutionality. This is always good grounds for skepticism about a claim of unconstitutionality.
In the second place, no doubt the reason nobody ever thought to question the constitutionality of the filibuster is that the Constitution explicitly gives Congress the authority “to determine the rules of its proceedings,” as Klein concedes. The Constitution clearly contemplates that Congress is at liberty to prescribe for itself how it will operate, at least in cases where the Constitution does not prescribe otherwise. Klein notes an old case in which the Court held that the rules of Congress might be struck down as invalid if they violated the Constitution. No doubt this is true. So if the Senate tried to write a rule holding that a mere majority vote was sufficient to remove the president pursuant to an impeachment, it would be unconstitutional because the Constitutional explicitly prescribes a supermajority. But the filibuster does not violate any explicit constitutional provision. It rests instead on the clear authority of the Congress to make its own rules for doing its own business.
Speaking of “doing one’s own business” reminds us helpfully of “minding one’s own business,” which is an important principle of separation of powers. When considering separation of powers issues, it can be helpful for the Court to ask: “How would we react if the situation were reversed and, instead of some litigant inviting us to meddle in the conduct of Congress, Congress was trying to meddle in our affairs?” I bring this up because the rules of the Supreme Court do not in all cases depend on majority rule. Cases are granted review on the basis of the so-called “rule of four” — it takes four votes to grant certiorari. I suppose some officious member of Congress could contend that this pernicious rule allows a minority of the Court to thrust cases on the majority that the majority might not want to hear, that it gives the minority an unacceptable power over the Court’s docket. A determined minority might use the rule to impede the operations of the Court by filling its docket with frivolous cases that would then burden the Court’s time. This claim might be pressed despite the fact that a Court majority is responsible for writing and keeping the rule. Then this member of Congress might propose legislation requiring the Court to grant cert based on at least a majority vote. How do we think the Court would react to such a law, were it to be enacted?
Finally, it is worth noting that the filibuster is rooted not so much in any rules of the Senate as in the absence of such rules. Klein notes this but fails to connect the dots. The filibuster in its original, unconstrained form first arose because the Senate had no rule limiting debate: Senators could talk as long as they wanted, even to the point of wearing down the resistance of a majority wanting to take a vote. This allowed the minority effectively to kill legislation by stalling all the rest of the Senate’s business. The filibuster exists in its limited form today because the Senate has adopted a “cloture” rule permitting a vote of 60 Senators to cut off debate. Despite the existence of cloture, however, the filibuster is still fundamentally rooted in the absence of a rule.
This is important because it makes the claim of unconstitutionality even more absurd. Grant for the sake of argument that the Court might be authorized to strike down some rule of the Senate. That is still a very far cry from saying that it has authority to require the Senate to adopt some rule the Court thinks is good. But that is exactly what would be required by a finding that the filibuster is unconstitutional, since the absence of any rule limiting debate is what permits the filibuster to occur in the first place.
It is also worth observing here that the filibuster is not the only aspect of Congressional procedure that can frustrate the will of the majority — and therefore is not the only rule that the Court would be taking authority upon itself to revise if it were to invalidate the filibuster. Sometimes bills have majority support in a chamber but are not brought to a vote because they lack majority support in the committee to which they have been assigned, which therefore refuses to report them to the full house for legislative action. Does anyone really think that these procedures are unconstitutional, or that the Supreme Court would be acting properly in presuming to meddle with them?
Update: Matthew Frank of the Witherspoon Institute has this fine defense of the filibuster at Public Discourse. It’s from a couple of years ago, but still very relevant.
Nancy Keenan told the Washington Post that she’s stepping down as the president of NARAL, the rabidly pro-abortion lobbying organization.
But she also told the Post about a trend that scared her.
“While most young, antiabortion voters see abortion as a crucial political issue, NARAL’s own internal research does not find similar passion among abortion-rights supporters,” wrote the Post’s Sarah Kliff. “If the pro-choice movement is to successfully defend abortion rights, Keenan contends, it needs more young people in leadership roles, including hers.”
Keenan, 60, said she would step down at the end of the year in favor of a younger executive. “There’s an opportunity for a new and younger leader,” Keenan told the paper. “Roe v. Wade is 40 in January. It’s time for a new leader to come in and, basically, be the person for the next 40 years of protecting reproductive choice.”
The pro-abortion movement loved to paint the abortion debate in 1970s as a war between grumpy, judgmental grandmas wielding their rosaries against hip young modern women. But now, they are the grey hairs and its the pro-life movement which is young.
In fact, LifeSiteNews recounts that Keenan told Newsweek back in 2010 about the March for Life crowds: “I just thought, my gosh, they are so young,” she said. “There are so many of them, and they are so young.”
And we won’t stop marching until this injustice is over…
Read Entire PostNancy Keenan told the Washington Post that she’s stepping down as the president of NARAL, the rabidly pro-abortion lobbying organization.
But she also told the Post about a trend that scared her.
“While most young, antiabortion voters see abortion as a crucial political issue, NARAL’s own internal research does not find similar passion among abortion-rights supporters,” wrote the Post’s Sarah Kliff. “If the pro-choice movement is to successfully defend abortion rights, Keenan contends, it needs more young people in leadership roles, including hers.”
Keenan, 60, said she would step down at the end of the year in favor of a younger executive. “There’s an opportunity for a new and younger leader,” Keenan told the paper. “Roe v. Wade is 40 in January. It’s time for a new leader to come in and, basically, be the person for the next 40 years of protecting reproductive choice.”
The pro-abortion movement loved to paint the abortion debate in 1970s as a war between grumpy, judgmental grandmas wielding their rosaries against hip young modern women. But now, they are the grey hairs and its the pro-life movement which is young.
In fact, LifeSiteNews recounts that Keenan told Newsweek back in 2010 about the March for Life crowds: “I just thought, my gosh, they are so young,” she said. “There are so many of them, and they are so young.”
And we won’t stop marching until this injustice is over…
180 days ago I called for a boycott of Italian clothing brand Benetton after they posted a photoshopped image of Pope Benedict “kissing” an Imam with the caption “UNHATE.”
Over 800 papists joined this page on Facebook promising to boycott Benetton. We also began a Twitter campaign under the hashtag #ByeByeBenetton. Since then I personally haven’t set foot in a Benetton store, even though in the past I had been their customer.
Today I was alerted to the happy news that Benetton has apologized, removed all instances of the offending image they could find, and has promised to donate to a Catholic charity as a gesture of good will:
The Vatican spokesman Father Federico Lombardi said on Tuesday that the dispute between the Holy See and the Benetton Clothing Group over the incorrect use of the Pope’s image has been resolved.
Father Lombardi’s statement came after Benetton issued a press release last Friday apologising for having upset the feelings of Pope Benedict XVI and believers and pledging that it had withdrawn all photographic images of the Holy Father from every publication of the company. It also promised not to use any images of the Pope in the future without prior authorisation from the Holy See and to use its best efforts to stop further use of the photo montage by third parties on internet sites or elsewhere.
… Father Lombardi said Benetton’s statement marked the end of the dispute which came following meetings between the lawyers of the Holy See and the Benetton Group. He said the Holy See did not wish to ask for financial compensation but instead wished to obtain a moral compensation for the harm caused and reiterated its determination to protect — even through legal means — the image of the Pope. Father Lombardi said instead of financial compensation, they had asked for and Benetton had agreed to make a financial donation to help the charity work of the Church. He said this concludes an unpleasant affair that should not have occurred but which has hopefully taught a lesson about the need for due respect for the image of the Pope, just as for any other person, and for the feelings of the faithful. [Vatican Radio]
If this resolution satisfies the Vatican it satisfies me, so I hereby declare the boycott OVER.
Now, I think it’s just as important to THANK organizations when they try to make amends for having mocked and offended Catholics as to boycott them when they don’t. So please join me in thanking Benetton on their Twitter and Facebook accounts in your own words, or simply saying something like “Thank you Benetton for apologizing to the pope! I am no longer boycotting your products.”
If you are on Twitter please use the #ThankYouBenetton hashtag like I did here.
Ph/t: B-Bach’s Beat.
Read Entire Post
180 days ago I called for a boycott of Italian clothing brand Benetton after they posted a photoshopped image of Pope Benedict “kissing” an Imam with the caption “UNHATE.”
Over 800 papists joined this page on Facebook promising to boycott Benetton. We also began a Twitter campaign under the hashtag #ByeByeBenetton. Since then I personally haven’t set foot in a Benetton store, even though in the past I had been their customer.
Today I was alerted to the happy news that Benetton has apologized, removed all instances of the offending image they could find, and has promised to donate to a Catholic charity as a gesture of good will:
The Vatican spokesman Father Federico Lombardi said on Tuesday that the dispute between the Holy See and the Benetton Clothing Group over the incorrect use of the Pope’s image has been resolved.
Father Lombardi’s statement came after Benetton issued a press release last Friday apologising for having upset the feelings of Pope Benedict XVI and believers and pledging that it had withdrawn all photographic images of the Holy Father from every publication of the company. It also promised not to use any images of the Pope in the future without prior authorisation from the Holy See and to use its best efforts to stop further use of the photo montage by third parties on internet sites or elsewhere.
… Father Lombardi said Benetton’s statement marked the end of the dispute which came following meetings between the lawyers of the Holy See and the Benetton Group. He said the Holy See did not wish to ask for financial compensation but instead wished to obtain a moral compensation for the harm caused and reiterated its determination to protect — even through legal means — the image of the Pope. Father Lombardi said instead of financial compensation, they had asked for and Benetton had agreed to make a financial donation to help the charity work of the Church. He said this concludes an unpleasant affair that should not have occurred but which has hopefully taught a lesson about the need for due respect for the image of the Pope, just as for any other person, and for the feelings of the faithful. [Vatican Radio]
If this resolution satisfies the Vatican it satisfies me, so I hereby declare the boycott OVER.
Now, I think it’s just as important to THANK organizations when they try to make amends for having mocked and offended Catholics as to boycott them when they don’t. So please join me in thanking Benetton on their Twitter and Facebook accounts in your own words, or simply saying something like “Thank you Benetton for apologizing to the pope! I am no longer boycotting your products.”
If you are on Twitter please use the #ThankYouBenetton hashtag like I did here.
Ph/t: B-Bach’s Beat.
Author’s note: After a discussion in the comments and investigation on my part I have added a postscript clarifying something that may have been inaccurate but was not. Cheers.
———-
“If you like your health care coverage you can keep it. ”
In various phrasings this was one of the more oft-repeated reasons we were given to support, or at least not to oppose, Obamacare. But like so many other things that have come out of this administration, it also turns out not to be true.
To be sure, the President and HHS are not forcibly kicking anyone off their health insurance plan. Yet. But we knew before the ink was dry that companies would very likely have a financial incentive to drop health care coverage altogether and dump their employees onto the public exchanges.
No, we were told, that wouldn’t be the case. Lo and behold: it is the case.
Even after paying a penalty of $2,000 per employee, the companies [surveyed] stand to save $28.6 billion in 2014 alone by shifting employees to health insurance exchanges governed by strict federal standards. The companies stand to save more than $422 billion over the first 10 years of the law by doing this.
So that’s one way Obamacare brings about “you” losing the health care plan that you like. Employers, until Obamacare was passed, were not compelled to offer health insurance but they did do because it is expected and good for business—good luck getting top-notch employees if health insurance coverage is not among the benefits. Under Obamacare employers can both assure that employees have health insurance coverage by dumping them onto the exchanges, and can save lots of money and headache. Win-win.
But now there is another device by which Obamacare violates the “if you like it you can keep it” pledge: the HHS Mandate.
See, part of reason I like my current health insurance plan offered by my employer, Franciscan University of Steubenville, is that it does not waste money on things I will never use because they are morally repugnant to me, like contraceptives, sterilization, and abortifacients. The HHS mandate purports to force me into a plan that I do not want rather than the plan I’ve been very happy with. But that’s a still-pending issue because of the one-year extension given (not that we will comply even after a year, of course).
But a more-present impact of the mandate directly affects students. The following is now posted on Franciscan’s “Student Health Insurance Plan” page:
The Obama Administration has mandated that all health insurance plans must cover “women’s health services” including contraception, sterilization, and abortion-causing medications as part of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA). Up to this time, Franciscan University has specifically excluded these services and products from its student health insurance policy, and we will not participate in a plan that requires us to violate the consistent teachings of the Catholic Church on the sacredness of human life.
Additionally, the PPACA increased the mandated maximum coverage amount for student policies to $100,000 for the 2012-13 school year, which would effectively double your premium cost for the policy in fall 2012, with the expectation of further increases in the future.
Due to these changes in regulation by the federal government, beginning with the 2012-13 school year, the University 1) will no longer require that all full-time undergraduate students carry health insurance, 2) will no longer offer a student health insurance plan, and 3) will no longer bill those not covered under a parent/guardian plan or personal plan for student health insurance. The current student health insurance plan will expire on August 15, 2012.
We encourage you to decide how you are going to provide for accidents or illnesses requiring visits to physicians, health clinics, or the hospital emergency room while you are a student here. As always, our Health Center on campus will be staffed by a certified nurse practitioner Monday – Friday during normal business hours. No insurance is necessary to receive basic health-related services at the Health Center, and the visits cost only $5 at the time of service. However, if you are referred off campus for further lab testing, physician specialists, X-rays, etc., you will be responsible to pay for those services.
In short: We. Will. Not. Comply. And our students are the first one who will feel the pinch.
Those who are left high and dry by the administration’s intrusion into our freedom to practice our faith are our students. Who knows how many will have insurance, how many will not, how many will have insurance of the quality we offered before, how many will be able to stay on their parents’ insurance through the extended adolescence provision of Obamacare, etc.
But there you have it: thanks to the government’s firm desire to make sure the one or two women left in the country who did not have easy and cheap access to contraceptives, abortifacients, and sterilization procedures, our 2,500 students will no longer have an insurance plan ready and waiting for them.
——–
P.S. After initial posting a commenter pointed out that it appeared that our student health insurance plan was self-insured and thus would have been exempt from the HHS mandate. I exchanged emails with a senior administrator with intimate knowledge of the decision making. He assured me that our plan was not, in fact, self-insured—we are simply too small to make that economical. Our students are among the 800,000 who are covered by fully-insured plans we purchase on their behalf.
Further, according to this administrator, the “exception” even for self-insured plans is ambiguous and likely on paper only. In implementation the HHS would likely rule the same as the so-called accommodation, requiring the third-party administrators of self-insured plans to cover the items and procedures “for free,” which of course is a farce.
So the post stands as written.
Read Entire PostAuthor’s note: After a discussion in the comments and investigation on my part I have added a postscript clarifying something that may have been inaccurate but was not. Cheers.
———-
“If you like your health care coverage you can keep it. ”
In various phrasings this was one of the more oft-repeated reasons we were given to support, or at least not to oppose, Obamacare. But like so many other things that have come out of this administration, it also turns out not to be true.
To be sure, the President and HHS are not forcibly kicking anyone off their health insurance plan. Yet. But we knew before the ink was dry that companies would very likely have a financial incentive to drop health care coverage altogether and dump their employees onto the public exchanges.
No, we were told, that wouldn’t be the case. Lo and behold: it is the case.
Even after paying a penalty of $2,000 per employee, the companies [surveyed] stand to save $28.6 billion in 2014 alone by shifting employees to health insurance exchanges governed by strict federal standards. The companies stand to save more than $422 billion over the first 10 years of the law by doing this.
So that’s one way Obamacare brings about “you” losing the health care plan that you like. Employers, until Obamacare was passed, were not compelled to offer health insurance but they did do because it is expected and good for business—good luck getting top-notch employees if health insurance coverage is not among the benefits. Under Obamacare employers can both assure that employees have health insurance coverage by dumping them onto the exchanges, and can save lots of money and headache. Win-win.
But now there is another device by which Obamacare violates the “if you like it you can keep it” pledge: the HHS Mandate.
See, part of reason I like my current health insurance plan offered by my employer, Franciscan University of Steubenville, is that it does not waste money on things I will never use because they are morally repugnant to me, like contraceptives, sterilization, and abortifacients. The HHS mandate purports to force me into a plan that I do not want rather than the plan I’ve been very happy with. But that’s a still-pending issue because of the one-year extension given (not that we will comply even after a year, of course).
But a more-present impact of the mandate directly affects students. The following is now posted on Franciscan’s “Student Health Insurance Plan” page:
The Obama Administration has mandated that all health insurance plans must cover “women’s health services” including contraception, sterilization, and abortion-causing medications as part of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA). Up to this time, Franciscan University has specifically excluded these services and products from its student health insurance policy, and we will not participate in a plan that requires us to violate the consistent teachings of the Catholic Church on the sacredness of human life.
Additionally, the PPACA increased the mandated maximum coverage amount for student policies to $100,000 for the 2012-13 school year, which would effectively double your premium cost for the policy in fall 2012, with the expectation of further increases in the future.
Due to these changes in regulation by the federal government, beginning with the 2012-13 school year, the University 1) will no longer require that all full-time undergraduate students carry health insurance, 2) will no longer offer a student health insurance plan, and 3) will no longer bill those not covered under a parent/guardian plan or personal plan for student health insurance. The current student health insurance plan will expire on August 15, 2012.
We encourage you to decide how you are going to provide for accidents or illnesses requiring visits to physicians, health clinics, or the hospital emergency room while you are a student here. As always, our Health Center on campus will be staffed by a certified nurse practitioner Monday – Friday during normal business hours. No insurance is necessary to receive basic health-related services at the Health Center, and the visits cost only $5 at the time of service. However, if you are referred off campus for further lab testing, physician specialists, X-rays, etc., you will be responsible to pay for those services.
In short: We. Will. Not. Comply. And our students are the first one who will feel the pinch.
Those who are left high and dry by the administration’s intrusion into our freedom to practice our faith are our students. Who knows how many will have insurance, how many will not, how many will have insurance of the quality we offered before, how many will be able to stay on their parents’ insurance through the extended adolescence provision of Obamacare, etc.
But there you have it: thanks to the government’s firm desire to make sure the one or two women left in the country who did not have easy and cheap access to contraceptives, abortifacients, and sterilization procedures, our 2,500 students will no longer have an insurance plan ready and waiting for them.
——–
P.S. After initial posting a commenter pointed out that it appeared that our student health insurance plan was self-insured and thus would have been exempt from the HHS mandate. I exchanged emails with a senior administrator with intimate knowledge of the decision making. He assured me that our plan was not, in fact, self-insured—we are simply too small to make that economical. Our students are among the 800,000 who are covered by fully-insured plans we purchase on their behalf.
Further, according to this administrator, the “exception” even for self-insured plans is ambiguous and likely on paper only. In implementation the HHS would likely rule the same as the so-called accommodation, requiring the third-party administrators of self-insured plans to cover the items and procedures “for free,” which of course is a farce.
So the post stands as written.
The Washington Post ran a story last week in which former classmates of Mitt Romney say he made fun of a kid for having bleached blond hair that covered his eyes. So Romney allegedly got a few guys, grabbed a scissors, forced the student to the floor and chopped a bunch of his hair off.
If true, it sounds like Mitt Romney was a jerk in high school. Bullying of this kind is cruel.
Romney said he didn’t remember the incident, but he nonetheless apologized. He owned up to the fact that while he did a lot of pranks in high school, some of these likely went too far.
To me this sounds like a ten-minute story. Worth noting? Sure. But worth talking about for days? Not really.
Everyone can make their own judgment of Mitt Romney’s character. But I know I wouldn’t want people to judge me today for how I acted in high school. I wasn’t a bully, but I was kind of a jerk, too.
Now some people who are jerks remain jerks forever. But not all of them. Not most of them, I reckon. It sure sounds like Mitt grew out of this immaturity and became a nice man who went on to help people in everyday situations. He doesn’t strike me as the cold-hearted businessman in the movie Wall Street. In fact, The Daily ran a story detailing a long list of little-known acts of generosity where Mitt quietly helped out people in need.
I think the Washington Post story is worth a read, but should we really spend days and days talking about what happened at Mitt’s prep school in 1965?
Some in the media seem to think so. MSNBC anchor Tamron Hall brought in conservative Tim Carney to discuss the Mitt Romney bullying story.
Tamron did not like Tim’s opinions one iota. In fact, she had his mike cut off:
Tim Carney and I are personal friends, so perhaps my judgment is biased. But it didn’t sound like Carney was rude to the host. But what Carney did was to expose one of the media’s most commonly used tricks (especially 24-hour cable news of which Fox is also a culprit). They continually hype up a story and then they turn around and defend their coverage by saying that everyone is talking about it. These kinds of stories get Americans either agitated or excited depending what “side” they are on. Political campaigns naturally play to this media phenomenon.
But do we really want a presidential campaign to focus considerable time and energy on Romney being a jerk in high school or Obama eating a dog when he’s 6? Seems a silly way to elect the most powerful man on the planet.
Read Entire PostThe Washington Post ran a story last week in which former classmates of Mitt Romney say he made fun of a kid for having bleached blond hair that covered his eyes. So Romney allegedly got a few guys, grabbed a scissors, forced the student to the floor and chopped a bunch of his hair off.
If true, it sounds like Mitt Romney was a jerk in high school. Bullying of this kind is cruel.
Romney said he didn’t remember the incident, but he nonetheless apologized. He owned up to the fact that while he did a lot of pranks in high school, some of these likely went too far.
To me this sounds like a ten-minute story. Worth noting? Sure. But worth talking about for days? Not really.
Everyone can make their own judgment of Mitt Romney’s character. But I know I wouldn’t want people to judge me today for how I acted in high school. I wasn’t a bully, but I was kind of a jerk, too.
Now some people who are jerks remain jerks forever. But not all of them. Not most of them, I reckon. It sure sounds like Mitt grew out of this immaturity and became a nice man who went on to help people in everyday situations. He doesn’t strike me as the cold-hearted businessman in the movie Wall Street. In fact, The Daily ran a story detailing a long list of little-known acts of generosity where Mitt quietly helped out people in need.
I think the Washington Post story is worth a read, but should we really spend days and days talking about what happened at Mitt’s prep school in 1965?
Some in the media seem to think so. MSNBC anchor Tamron Hall brought in conservative Tim Carney to discuss the Mitt Romney bullying story.
Tamron did not like Tim’s opinions one iota. In fact, she had his mike cut off:
Tim Carney and I are personal friends, so perhaps my judgment is biased. But it didn’t sound like Carney was rude to the host. But what Carney did was to expose one of the media’s most commonly used tricks (especially 24-hour cable news of which Fox is also a culprit). They continually hype up a story and then they turn around and defend their coverage by saying that everyone is talking about it. These kinds of stories get Americans either agitated or excited depending what “side” they are on. Political campaigns naturally play to this media phenomenon.
But do we really want a presidential campaign to focus considerable time and energy on Romney being a jerk in high school or Obama eating a dog when he’s 6? Seems a silly way to elect the most powerful man on the planet.
Mary Higgins Clark was asked by the New York Times:
If you could require the president to read one book, what would it be?
And she replied:
The Constitution, with emphasis on the First Amendment.
She is Catholic, and the reminder sure is timely as we consider who will be president come January 20th.
Read Entire PostMary Higgins Clark was asked by the New York Times:
If you could require the president to read one book, what would it be?
And she replied:
The Constitution, with emphasis on the First Amendment.
She is Catholic, and the reminder sure is timely as we consider who will be president come January 20th.
Is the national budget an issue on which Catholics can hold legitimate disagreement?
Bishop Stephen Blaire of Stockton, California has written several letters criticizing aspects of the budget of Rep. Paul Ryan due to its spending cuts on programs such as food stamps. Bishop Blaire has said the cuts are “unjustified and wrong,” they “fail[] to meet these moral criteria” required by Catholic Social teaching, and they “fail this basic moral test.”
Bishop Blaire’s statements were made in his capacity as Chairman of the Committee on Justice, Peace, and Human Development of the USCCB.
Rep. Ryan, meanwhile, is a Catholic from the Diocese of Madison, Wisconsin. It would seem from the face of Bishop Blaire’s statements that Rep. Ryan, and any Catholic voting for these budget proposals, would need to go to confession. “Bless me Father, for I have sinned, I have proposed to slow the increase in federal spending on food stamps.” That seems to follow from saying the budget proposal is a wrong, an injustice, and a basic moral failure.
But hold on just one moment. Rep. Ryan’s own bishop, the Most Rev. Robert Morlino, said in an interview on The World Over last week that he is in frequent conversation with Rep. Ryan. Asked about Bishop Blaire’s letters criticizing Rep. Ryan’s budget, Bishop Morlino declared that Rep. Ryan is a “very responsible lay Catholic . . . who makes his judgment very much in accord with all the teachings of the Church.” (skip to about 4 minutes into the clip)
I’m no canon lawyer, but I think Bishop Morlino’s judgment trumps here. It seems Rep. Ryan does not need to confess injustice, wrongness or moral failure due to his presenting a budget with certain spending limits on food stamps. Bishop Morlino said Paul Ryan is acting in accord with Church teaching.
This raises two larger problems that face the U.S. Bishops. First, in what circumstances should a statement by a USCCB Committee chair be represented as the voice of the U.S. Bishops, when in fact it can be and is contradicted by the jurisdiction of a specific local ordinary? Bishop Vasa of Oregon, quoting then-Cardinal Ratzinger, has pointed out that each bishop has apostolic authority, but a bishops’ conference has “no theological basis,” and “its documents have no weight of their own save that of the consent given to them by the individual bishops.”
The second and related point is that this trumping of a bishops’ conference committee-statement by a local ordinary seems to have been caused in significant part by another important distinction, often glossed over. Again, then-Cardinal Ratzinger wrote a 2004 letter distinguishing between two kinds of public policies: those involving “intrinsically unjust” practices such as abortion, versus those that do not, such as war.
Where a policy promotes intrinsic evil, there is a “grave and clear obligation” for Catholics to oppose it. But on other issues “there may be a legitimate diversity of opinion even among Catholics” about what to do. Notably, even capital punishment, which Church teaching now seems to exclude in 99.5 percent of cases, is listed by Cardinal Ratzinger as one where legitimate disagreement can exist among Catholics.
So if a policy, for example, facilitates abortion, attacks religious freedom, or redefines marriage beyond one man and one woman, these are clear “moral failures.” But as Bishop Morlino just demonstrated, Paul Ryan and Stephen Blaire have a legitimate diversity of opinion on the funding level for the food stamp program. I don’t think even Bishop Blaire would say the issues raised in his letters involve intrinsic evil.
It seems to me that a bishops’ conference can safely describe policies advancing abortion, same-sex marriage or attacks on religious freedom as moral failures. But there is a limit to the kinds of issues these judgments can be applied to.
H/t to my friend and our long discussion over the weekend.
Read Entire Post
Is the national budget an issue on which Catholics can hold legitimate disagreement?
Bishop Stephen Blaire of Stockton, California has written several letters criticizing aspects of the budget of Rep. Paul Ryan due to its spending cuts on programs such as food stamps. Bishop Blaire has said the cuts are “unjustified and wrong,” they “fail[] to meet these moral criteria” required by Catholic Social teaching, and they “fail this basic moral test.”
Bishop Blaire’s statements were made in his capacity as Chairman of the Committee on Justice, Peace, and Human Development of the USCCB.
Rep. Ryan, meanwhile, is a Catholic from the Diocese of Madison, Wisconsin. It would seem from the face of Bishop Blaire’s statements that Rep. Ryan, and any Catholic voting for these budget proposals, would need to go to confession. “Bless me Father, for I have sinned, I have proposed to slow the increase in federal spending on food stamps.” That seems to follow from saying the budget proposal is a wrong, an injustice, and a basic moral failure.
But hold on just one moment. Rep. Ryan’s own bishop, the Most Rev. Robert Morlino, said in an interview on The World Over last week that he is in frequent conversation with Rep. Ryan. Asked about Bishop Blaire’s letters criticizing Rep. Ryan’s budget, Bishop Morlino declared that Rep. Ryan is a “very responsible lay Catholic . . . who makes his judgment very much in accord with all the teachings of the Church.” (skip to about 4 minutes into the clip)
I’m no canon lawyer, but I think Bishop Morlino’s judgment trumps here. It seems Rep. Ryan does not need to confess injustice, wrongness or moral failure due to his presenting a budget with certain spending limits on food stamps. Bishop Morlino said Paul Ryan is acting in accord with Church teaching.
This raises two larger problems that face the U.S. Bishops. First, in what circumstances should a statement by a USCCB Committee chair be represented as the voice of the U.S. Bishops, when in fact it can be and is contradicted by the jurisdiction of a specific local ordinary? Bishop Vasa of Oregon, quoting then-Cardinal Ratzinger, has pointed out that each bishop has apostolic authority, but a bishops’ conference has “no theological basis,” and “its documents have no weight of their own save that of the consent given to them by the individual bishops.”
The second and related point is that this trumping of a bishops’ conference committee-statement by a local ordinary seems to have been caused in significant part by another important distinction, often glossed over. Again, then-Cardinal Ratzinger wrote a 2004 letter distinguishing between two kinds of public policies: those involving “intrinsically unjust” practices such as abortion, versus those that do not, such as war.
Where a policy promotes intrinsic evil, there is a “grave and clear obligation” for Catholics to oppose it. But on other issues “there may be a legitimate diversity of opinion even among Catholics” about what to do. Notably, even capital punishment, which Church teaching now seems to exclude in 99.5 percent of cases, is listed by Cardinal Ratzinger as one where legitimate disagreement can exist among Catholics.
So if a policy, for example, facilitates abortion, attacks religious freedom, or redefines marriage beyond one man and one woman, these are clear “moral failures.” But as Bishop Morlino just demonstrated, Paul Ryan and Stephen Blaire have a legitimate diversity of opinion on the funding level for the food stamp program. I don’t think even Bishop Blaire would say the issues raised in his letters involve intrinsic evil.
It seems to me that a bishops’ conference can safely describe policies advancing abortion, same-sex marriage or attacks on religious freedom as moral failures. But there is a limit to the kinds of issues these judgments can be applied to.
H/t to my friend and our long discussion over the weekend.
Professor Patrick Deneen, founder of the Tocqueville Forum, Professor of Government at Georgetown, transitioning this summer to the U. of Notre Dame, has requested that we find as many Americans as possible to sign this petition.
Sponsored by The Becket Fund, it calls for the president of Georgetown to rescind his–to put it mildly–controversial invitation to Secretary Sebelius to be the 2012 Commencement speaker.
I agree with Deneen completely, and I hope all CatholicVote readers will sign this and pass it on to their friends. Thanks, Brad.
Here’s the Becket Fund petition.
And CatholicVote has a petition as well here.
As well, the Cardinal Newman Society has a petition.
Read Entire Post
Professor Patrick Deneen, founder of the Tocqueville Forum, Professor of Government at Georgetown, transitioning this summer to the U. of Notre Dame, has requested that we find as many Americans as possible to sign this petition.
Sponsored by The Becket Fund, it calls for the president of Georgetown to rescind his–to put it mildly–controversial invitation to Secretary Sebelius to be the 2012 Commencement speaker.
I agree with Deneen completely, and I hope all CatholicVote readers will sign this and pass it on to their friends. Thanks, Brad.
Here’s the Becket Fund petition.
These are the most commented posts listed over a week's time.